Cuernavaca, 1579: Testament of don Juan Ximénez of Cuernavaca Tecpan

The Testament of don Juan Ximénez, Cuernavaca, 1579.
Transcription, translation, and analysis by Robert Haskett.

The Nahuatl testament left by the noble don Juan Ximénez is found in records held in Mexico’s Archivo General de la Nación dating from 1694. The litigation covered in them has to do with the sequestration of the goods and properties of don Juan’s descendant, don Antonio de Hinojosa. A long-time gobernador (head of the cabildo, or town council) of Cuernavaca, don Antonio was being held responsible for the payment of several thousand pesos in missing tribute funds, which he had allegedly embezzled. Don Juan’s sixteenth-century will and a later Spanish-language translation of it (written on outdated official stamped paper bearing the slogan “sello qvarto, un qvartillo a años de mil y seiscientos y cinqventa y qvarto y cinqventa y cinco”) were submitted to prove that don Antonio was the legitimate owner of some of the seized lands. The testament describes an extensive array of material goods, property, and familial relationships, making it an excellent ethnohistorical source.

Don Juan’s will adheres more or less to the genre’s standardized format, most memorably laid out in the model testament of fray Alonso de Molina. It reveals the possessions and relationships of a wealthy indigenous lord who has adopted many of the trappings of Spanish culture of his day, yet a man who also retains many cherished items with strong Mesoamerican roots. He was a prominent local leader of an altepetl that, despite having a not insignificant Spanish presence, remained politically a semi-autonomous Nahua community governed by an active and self-conscious indigenous town council. The will makes it clear that don Juan had been married twice, with his second wife and principal heir still living in 1579. The unexplained death of the first wife could well be linked to the outbreaks of epidemic diseases that plagued central Mexico in the sixteenth century, but the testament is mute on this point. Don Juan himself may have died in the great sickness that raged in central Mexico between 1576 and 1581.[1]
Linguistically, don Juan’s testament is written in what James Lockhart calls Stage 2 Nahuatl, in which loanwords consist primarily of names, other nouns with no ready equivalents in the original language, and the like.[2] It opens with an invocation of the Holy Trinity, assurances that though his body is ill, there is nothing wrong with his mind, and that he is making the testament voluntarily.[3] Also standard are the requests and bequests he makes in terms of his burial and other donations to the church, as well as the format of the balance of the document, where his specific wishes connected with his property and possessions are made. The testament ends with an equally typical identification of his executors (three in this case, including a younger brother named Francisco de San Pedro) and an invocation of witnesses—five men who seem to be prominent indigenous lords—and the attestation of Juan Méndez, the notary who wrote it. The language laying out the duties and responsibilities of these eight people includes similar kinds of “perorations” (admonitions that the testator’s desires are to be upheld or protected in some way) discussed by Caterina Pizzigoni in her study of Nahuatl wills from Toluca.[4] The notary Méndez added some standard language guaranteeing the veracity of this will, that also expressed the generic notarial belief that the presence of the witnesses would insure that “no one at all will be able to violate it [the testament] (ayac huel quitlaçaz).[5]

Don Juan wished that his internment would be a pious, Christian one. He told the notary that “I want my body to be wrapped in a habit, a cloak of the friars of Saint Francis” (nicnequi çentetl abito yn intilmatzin teopixque S.t yc moquimiloz yn nonacayo), and that it be interned inside the church (probably the church of the Franciscan convento, now Cuernavaca’s cathedral); all of this would suggest long after his death that he had been among the local Nahua great and good.[6] He seems to have been a member of a cofradía, and left some money for the good of his soul in
Purgatory, as well.[7]

Don Juan’s landed properties include a complex of houses (more properly, a collection of separate rooms and inter-connected buildings that was typical of lordly indigenous dwellings at the time), the house lot (calmilli), and a number of named rural lands that seem to have been scattered geographically around the greater Cuernavaca area; his holdings were referred to collectively by the diaphrase nomil notlal (my cultivated fields, my lands).[8] A marginal note, “noble land [pillalli] in the calpulli [subdivision of the altepetl]” may also refer to all of don Juan’s properties, but possibly just to one or a few specific plots.[9] One of these would be what seems to be don Juan’s most important parcel, a property called Teoquauhco, land that more than a century later remained a key possession for his descendants. This land is described as being “my cultivated field Teoquauhco, [which is] ruler’s land, my patrimony (nomil teoquauhco tlahtocatlalli nopatrimonio). While in pre-contact times tlahtocatlalli may have been altepetl land assigned to rulers (tlatoque) on the basis of their status rather than private property, by the late 1570s don Juan seems to have regarded it as entirely his own possession; it certainly retained this status over the next several generations.[10] Don Juan also held nine distinct plots of land (probably in close proximity, if not contiguously), referring to them collectively as Tepepan tlalli. He also held and bequeathed two amiltzintli, or irrigated fields; in this case the –tzintli suffix may act as a diminuitive rather than an honorific. Finally, don Juan left three plots of land glossed as tlacpactlalli. The seventeenth-century Spanish translation of the will rendered this literally as tierras de arriba (lands above, or “highlands”), and this could be so. The center of Cuernavaca lies at a point between the lower slopes of the mountains separating it from the Valley of Mexico and the lands of its own valley. It is a landscape cut by many ravines, so that parcels located on these slopes or on the elevated areas at the edge of ravines would merit the designation “highlands.” Yet the possibility still exists that the word tlacpactlalli may have had a more specific meaning of some sort that deferentiated it from other kinds of land (highland pasture, perhaps, or land on wooded slopes that was a source of firewood); on balance, it is certainly worth keeping an open mind about this term.

Don Juan’s second wife, doña Barabara, was his principal heir. She benefitted from the persistence of indigenous-style inheritance patterns (in which property was often left to multiple heirs, both male and female); a recurring lack of a legitimate male heir was to confront the Ximénez family over the next two generations, in fact.[11] Don Juan did have an illegitimate son, Juan Moquihuix (amo teoyotica nopiltzin ytoca Jhoan moquihuixtli), but his father left him nothing aside from doña Bárbara, who was assigned the responsibility of looking after the boy’s welfare. The bequests of land in this testament are not without their complications and uncertainties (at least at our remove in time and space). A nephew, don Diego de San Gerónimo, is the only male to receive any kind of landed bequest in the form of a small section of Teoquauhco, yet the statement immediatedly following this bequest—“everything located on [the land] belongs to my wife, doña Bárbara. Perhaps she will cultivate it, or rent it; she will decide”—suggests that don Diego may have received use rights rather than true ownership. A man named Andrés de Santiago, who was apparently renting one of the plots of tlacpactlalli, is given the chance to buy it for sixteen pesos payable to doña Barbara; it is uncertain that he ever did so.[12] Aside from the illusive category of tlacpactlalli, don Juan’s property holding strategies and the pattern of his bequests do not depart in any starkly significant way from well-studied and understood norms associated with Nahuatl testaments written in colonial central Mexico.[13] They confirm the existence of such things in a provincial area near to the Valley of Mexico that has not been well studied in terms of its indigenous-language testaments. Apart from his landholdings, don Juan mainly seems concerned that other kinds of material possessions found in his house—a European table and chairs, saddles, storage boxes of various sizes and designs, some pre-contact-style musical instruments and paraphernalia: drums (teponaztli, huehuetl, and tlalpanhuehuetl), little dancing shields (chimaltotontin nehtotiloni), and feathered headdresses (yhuitzoncalli).


1.) Cline, Colonial Culhuacan, 13; most of the wills studied by Cline date from the end of this period, 1580-81.

2.)Lockhart, Nahuatl as Written, 114-125; Lockhart, The Nahuas, chapter 7. Aside from basic nouns and names, a few loans typically have forms such as testigosme, in which a plural Spanish work, “witnesses,” receives a second Nahuatl plural suffix, “-me,” and in which the loan noun firma (“signature”) has been transformed into a verb with the addition of the indefinite third-person prefix “mo-“ and the Nahuatl suffix “-tia,” to provide that thing: mofirmatia.

3.) AGN Tributos vol. 52, exp. 17, fols. 430r-432r. A number of scholars have remarked on these standard traits: Anderson, Berdan, and Lockhart, Beyond the Codices, 23-27, provide a groundbreaking summary of the enduring characteristics of Nahuatl testaments; Cline, Colonial Culhuacan, was the first major English-language study of the genre; see also Wood, “Adopted Saints,” 264. Caterina Pizzigoni, Testaments of Toluca, 9, notes that most of these traits are typical of Stage 2 Nahuatl. The opening formula—common on a basic level across the genre regardless of location—was shaped by a model testament included in the 1569 confessional manual of Fray Alonso de Molina; see Cline, “Molina’s Model Testament,” 13-33, and Lockhart, The Nahuas, “Appendix B. Molina’s Model Testament,” 468-476.

4.) Pizzigoni, Testaments of Toluca, 21.

5.) AGN Tributos vol. 52, exp. 17, fol. 431v.

6.) Tributos vol. 52, exp. 17, fol. 430r. Don Juan’s notary may have adopted the loanword habito (habit), but unlike his admittedly somewhat later counterparts in Toluca did not use any Spanish loanword meaning “shroud,” who on the other hand eventually abandoned “habit” and replaced it with the Nahuatl –tlaquentzin (“one’s garment, garb”); Pizzigoni, Testaments of Toluca, 15-16. A burial in an advantaged position inside a church was most often attainable by only the most prominent of Nahua citizens (even if other, more humble people made similar requests). See Wood, “Adopted Saints,” 269; Cline, Colonial Culhuacan, 24; Pizzigoni, Testaments of Toluca, 16-17; based on the study of her own extensive group of testaments, Pizzigoni concludes that this kind of request to be buried near a spouse was comparatively rare. An analysis of a similarly large body of wills from Cuernavaca obviously would be necessary to determine if don Juan’s request is similarly unusual for his time and place.

7.) For a discussion of similar bequests, see Pizzigoni, Testaments of Toluca, 17-18; the author notes that mentions of cofradías and requests to them for help in mass, burial, etc., are very rare in her sample.

8.) For a recent discussion of houses, house lots, and other properties see Pizzigoni, Testatments of Toluca, 22-25. For instance, the author notes that in that region through the later seventeenth century were complexes of separate structures, each of which might be used by a nuclear family, arranged around a patio.” [22] Rather than calmilli, the majority of the Tolucan wills used the term ihuicallo tlalli (“’the land going with (the house)’.”

9.) Cline, Colonial Culhuacan, 141, defines pillalli as “private lands of the nobility.”

10.) Ibid; Cline believed that in that late-sixteenth-century altepetl the term tlatocatlalli continued to refer to lands attached to the office of the ruler, rather than to private properties held by him.

11.) This kind of inheritance pattern can be discerned in the testaments collected in Anderson, Berdan, and Lockhart in their pathbreaking Beyond the Codices, 44-79.

12.) AGN Tributos vol. 52, exp. 17, fol. 430v.

13.) For excellent discussions of these topics see Cline, Colonial Culhuacan, 59-85; Pizzigoni, Testaments of Toluca, 11-13, 27, and Kellogg and Restall, “Introduction,” 2-4. For instance, following Pizzigonio, while at least in Toluca it was not usual for a wife to be her husband’s principal heir, “the testator generally preferring blood kin of the following generation,” doña Barbara may have received the land with the kind of understanding identified by this author that “she will hand it on to the children later” [20-21], which in fact she did.

Principal editor: 
Robert Haskett

Transcriptions and Translations

Analytic Transcription English Translation Spanish Translation
430r/ Yn ica ytocatzin dios tetahtzin dios tepiltzin dios espû sancto Nicpehualtia y notestamento . ma qui¬matican yn ixquichtin yn quittazque ynin amatzintly . ca y¯ nehuatl nidon Jhoan ximenez . nican nochan quauhnavac tecpan nipohui notlaxilacalpa¯ ohtilpan nicchihua y¯ notestamento . maçoyhui y¯ mococohua no[na]cayo / yeçeh y¯ noyollo y¯ nocializ y¯ notlal¬namiquiliz y¯ notlacaquia amo quen ca çan pactica . / auh nicchixtica y¯ miquiztly yn ayac huel yxpampa yehua yn ayac huel quitlalcahuia yc nictlalia y¯ notestamento . yn ça tlatzacca¯ notlanequiliz yc nino¬cauhtiuh ynic mopiaz . ynic ayac quitlacoz . ca ye¬huatl in ye noconpehualtia — huel achtopa y¯ nanima ymactzinco noco¯tlalia yn tot.o dios . ca oquimo¬chihuilli yuan çenca nicnotlahtlauhtilia ynic nech¬motlaocoliliz nechmopopolhuiliz y¯ notlahtlacol . yuan nechmohuiquiliz yn ichantzinco yn ilhuicac yn iquac nanima oquitlalcah[ui] y no[tlallo] yuan nonacayo ytech niccahua y¯ tlalli . ca ytech oquiz . ca tlalli çoquitl / . yvan nicnequi çentetl abito . yn intilmatzin teopixque St yc moquimiloz . yn nonacayo . auh yc niquixiptlatiz macuilli ps.o yua¯ nicnequi . ma o¯can tocoz y¯ nonacayo . yn o¯can toctitoc nonamic catca dona— maria . ca yuh catqui tonenonotzal / . ma yxpantililoz y¯ yehuatzin toguar¬dian fray andres guerrero . / yua¯ nicnequi yn ipampa ypalehuiloca nanima ynic amo purgatorio hueca¬huaz . yn ichicomilhuiyoc çentetl missa nopa¯ mihtoz . macuilli pesus nichue¯chiva ytech niccahua y¯ no¬namic dona— barbara yehuatl quimati . / auh y¯tla oc quezquitetl . missa nopa¯ mihtoz . çan yehuatl ytech ninocauhtiuh y¯ çihuapilli nonamic dona— barbara . yn iuh huelitiz yuh nechmopalehuiliz . yuan nicnequi yn iquac tocoz y¯ nonacayo . y¯ nopilhua¯ cuicanime ce pos . macozque ynic nechpalehuizque ytechpa nanima , yvã nahui tos . cofradia yc nitlamantiuh . nahui tos . hospital mocahuaz . ytech pohuiz y¯ co¬coxque — 430r/ In the name of God the father, God the child, and God the Holy Spirit, I begin my testament. Let all know who see this document that I, don Juan Jimé¬nez, whose home is here in Cuernavaca, belonging to Tecpan in the tlaxilacalli of Otlipan, make my testament. Although my body is sick, nothing is wrong with my spirit and will, my thought and understanding, but they are healthy. I await death, from which no one can flee or escape, so that I am issuing my testament, my final will, which I depend on being observed, so that no one will violate it. It is this that I am beginning. — First of all I place my soul in the hands of our lord God, for he made it, and I urgently implore him to show me the favor of pardoning me of my sins and carrying me to his heavenly home when my soul has left my earthly form. And I leave my body to the earth, for it emerged from there and is earth and clay. And I want my body to be wrapped in a habit, a cloak of the friars of San Francisco; with 5 pesos I will pay for it. And I wish that my body be buried where my late spouse doña María lies buried, for this is our agreement. Let our father guardian, fray Andrés Guerrero, be instructed about it. I also desire for the aid of my soul, so that it will not spend a long time in purgatory, that a mass be said for me on the seventh day; I make an offering of 5 pesos. I leave it up to my spouse doña Bárbara; she is in charge of it. And as to whether a few more masses should be said for me, I leave myself in the hands of the noble¬woman my spouse doña Bárbara; she is to help me as much as she can. I also desire that when my body is buried my children the cantors be given 1 peso to help me concerning my soul, and 4 reales to the cofradía; I offer 4 reales to be delivered to the hos¬pital, which is to belong to those who are ill.
430v/ v Auh yz catqui nictenehua y¯ huel nixcoya naxca . y¯ nocal yxquich yc mani . ca huel nixcoya¯ onicno¬chihchihuilli y¯ mochi . yn yzqui[ch] mochi nicne-mactihtiuh . y¯ nonamic dona— barbara ypampa ca omotlacachihuilli oncatqui ceh piltzintly . maria / oncan quimohuapahuiltiez . / yoan yxquich y¯ nocal¬mil nima¯ ayac achi quicuiliz / ça¯ huel yxquich yn ipa¯ nehcoc amo ma onichueylli — v yoan nictenehua y¯ nomil teoquauhco tlahtocatlalli nopatrim[o]nio . / auh niccotonia y¯ nomach don die- go de san Jeronimo / . cempohualli ynic patlahuac quicuiz . auh quinalquixtiz . tlacxitla¯ y¯ momacatiuh . / auh yn ixquich yc manic mochi ytetzinco pohui[z] y nonamic dona— barbara aço quimeli-miquiliz anoço quitetlaneuhtiz yehuatl quimati . auh ynic o¯tetl tlac¬pac tlalli y[to]- [d– barpola nixcoya onicnonamaq’ [sic] ytech pohui dna– barbara (inserted above line)] cayocan atl ynepillohuayan . necoc o¯-pohualli / . auh ynic Etetl ytocayocan tlatzallan . tlacpac tlalli . ye ytech pohui y¯ andres de Santiago / . auh ynic huel cemi co¯cuiz oc quimanaz caxtolli ypa¯ çe pesus . quimomaquiliz y¯ nonamic dona— barbara — [in the margin: calpolpa pillalli] v auh nimã yehuatl nictenehua y nomil nica¯ tepepan tlalli / chiconauh¬tetl / . ynic ce¯tetl . tzacualpan . ynic o¯tetl olactzinco / ynic Etetl quauhchilto¯co . / ynic nauhtetl . ahuaca¬quauhyoh . ynic . 5 . yaoh[tli]ca . / ynic 6 . tetl techi¬alco . ynic . 7 . tetl tepetitlan . ynic 8 . tetl cohua¬tepec . /ynic . 9 . tetl tzaqualpa¯ amilli / yzquitetl y¯ y¯ huel nomil notlal nocaltzin ypan cate yeua¯ quimo¬cuitlavizque v yoa¯ nictenehua y¯ nopiltzin catca . don diego mo¬quihuix / çe¯tetl amiltzintly . quimacac y¯ don barme calnepantlah huel caxcatihtiuh necoc ce¯pohualli / . y¯ manic xalmomolocaya¯ tlanihuic tzapotitla ytocayoca ynic o¯tetl . ytocayoca¯ xochtlan atlauhtzinco / . ycoh¬colhua¯ . quimacac amo huey . çã quexquich [. . .] ynin mochi ytech nicpouhtiuh y¯ çihuapilli . nonamic dona— barbara macayac tle quicuiliz yn ixquich onicteneuh . ca huel mochi nomil notlal ayac yyaxca — v yoan nictenehua . çeh o¯nemi amo teoyotica no¬piltzin ytoca Jhoan moquihuixtly . ytech onicchiuh . ytoca maria calihuaca¯ ychan [. . .] ma quimaniliz . y¯ nonamic dona— barbara quimohuapahuiliz — v yoan nictenehua yn ixquich y¯ nican nocalitic mo¬pia çe¯[te]tl cavallo yoã silla freno . / yoã sillas . netlaliloni chicuetetl yoã çeh teponaztli / çentetl huehuetl . çe¯tetl tlalpan huehuetl 430v/v Here I mention what is truly my own property. My house and everything in it is truly my own; I arranged it entirely on my own. I am bequeathing it all to my spouse doña Bárbara, because she has given birth and there is an infant, María. She is to bring her up there, and no one whosoever is to take anything of my house fields from her. It was abso¬lutely all there when I arrived; I did not enlarge it. v And I declare that my field at Teoquauhco is ruler’s land, my patrimony. I detach [a piece of] 20 [quahuitl] wide for my nephew don Diego de San Gerónimo; he is to take it. What he is being given goes through to the other side, down below. Every¬thing [else] there belongs to my spouse doña Bár¬bara. She is either to cultivate it or rent it out; she will decide. The second piece is high land [tlacpac tlalli] [crossed out section: at the place called Atl Inepilohuayan, 40 square.]. I myself [sold it but it now?] belongs to doña Bárbara. The third is at the place named Tlatzallan and is high land. It already belongs to Andrés de Santiago. He is to take it once and for all, but first he is to present 16 pesos for it, which he is to give to my spouse doña Bárbara. [in the margin: noble land in the calpolli] v Next I mention my fields, lands here in Tepepan. There are nine of them: The first is in Tzacualpan, the second in Olactzinco, the third in Quauhchiltonco, the fourth in Ahuacaquauhyo, the fifth in Yaotlica, the sixth in Techialco, the seventh in Tepetitlan, the eighth in Cohuatepec, [crossed out section: and the ninth an irrigated field in Tzacualpan. These are all truly my fields, lands, and houses. Those who are on the land are to take care of them.] v And I declare that my deceased child don Diego Moquihuix gave an irrigated field to don Bartolomé [crossed out section: of Calnepantla; he really made it his property. It is 20 square and located at Xal¬momolocayan at a place called Lower Tzapotitlan.] [Don Diego’s] grandparents gave him a second piece at the place called Xochtlan Atlauhtzinco. It is not big, just a few […] All of this I am assigning assigning to the noblewoman my spouse doña Bárbara. Let no one take any of what I mentioned from her, for they are really all my fields and lands; they are no one else’s property. — v And I declare that I have an illegitimate child liv¬ing named Juan Moquihuixtli, whom I engendered with one named María of Calihuacan [. . .]. Let my spouse doña Bárbara take him and bring him up. — v And I mention everything that is kept here inside my residence: a horse, saddle, and bridle; eight [Spanish-style] chairs; one log drum; one skin-headed drum; one upright skin-headed drum;
[431r] yetetl mesas . yvan nauhtetl . alome / mochi ytech pohuiz y¯ nonamic yoan casas . tzatzaccayoh chicuetetl . yc chiccuhnauhtetl tepiton / yoan yetlamantili . chimal¬totontin nehtotiloni / . ynin mochi ytech niccauhtiuh y¯ nonamic dona— barbara . yehuatl quimati y¯tlah qui-monahnamaquiz . yoa¯ nauhtetl yhuitzoncalli — v yoan niquinteneuhtiuh y¯ quimocuitlahuizque ynin notestamt–o yehuatl y¯ noteyccauh de st pedro . yoan baltasar yoan lorenço de sandoval . ymeyxtin. quitlalnamictizq¯ . y nonamic dona— barbara . yn iquac missa nopa¯ mitoz . yoan yxquich y¯ naxca y¯ nomil quimocuitlahuizq¯ . ynic ayac tle quicuiliz yn nonamic . ypã tlahtozque / . v yzquitlamantly . y¯ notestame¯to . ypan nictlalitiuh y¯ . auh y¯tla oc çentetl notestame¯to . cãpa neçiz . y¯tla noço aca quipia notlahtol ynic niquilhui . yn iquac nimiquiz . ytla nicmacatiaz mochi nicpolohua atle ypan pohuiz çan ixquich neltiz mochihuaz yn axcan / onicchiuh yn imixpan testigosme / auh y¯tla que¯manian yxpa¯ neçitiuh yxpan Justiçia yca yehuatly . / y¯ notestamento y¯ huel noyollocacopa onictlalli / . axcan miercoles yc caxtolilhuitl . oçeh . y¯ metztli se¬tiembre de 1579 aos . auh ynic nicneltilia huel no-matica nica¯ nictlalia notoca yoa¯ nofirma — don Juan ximenez v nican mihcuillohua yn intoca yn izquintin testigosme yn imixpan omotlali testame¯to . ynic çe thoribio acolnahuacatl . ynic ome miguel de sant pedro . ycha¯ metlah ynic ey de chavez que-cholactzinco ychan ynic nahui de st pedro . ynic macuilli . lorenço de santoval auh ynic tlanel¬titilia nica¯ mofirmatia — to Doribi.o acolnahuacatl . to de chavez to d. S. p.o to migl de S. pedro to Lorenco de Sandoval ju.o me¯dez escrivano [431r] three tables; and four large parrots. All of it is to belong to my spouse. And there are eight large chests with latches and a ninth small one, and three little shields used for dancing. All of this I am leav¬ing to my spouse doña Bárbara. She can decide whether or not she will sell them; and there are four feathered headdresses. — v And I am naming as those who are to take care of this testament my younger sibling Francisco de San Pedro; Baltasar; and Lorenzo de Sandoval. All three will remind my spouse doña Bárbara when a mass is to be said for me, and they will take care of all my property and fields so that no one will take anything from my spouse; they are to see to it. v These are all the different things that I am order¬ing in my testament. If another testament of mine should appear somewhere, or if someone has my word that I said I would give something to him or her when I die, I cancel it all and it is to count as nothing. The only one which is to be carried out is the one I made today before witnesses. If this, my testament, is ever brought before the authorities, it is truly with my voluntary will that I issued it today, Wednesday the 16th of September of the year 1579. In order that I verify it with my own hand I affix my name and signature here: don Juan Jiménez. v Here are written the names of all the witnesses before whom the testament was issued: The first is Toribio Acolnahuacatl, the second Miguel de San Pedro of Metla, the third Francisco de Chaves of Quecholactzinco, the fourth Francsico de San Pedro, and the fifth Lorenzo de Sandoval. In order to verify it, they make their signatures here: — Witness, Toribio Acolnahuacatl. Witness, Francisco de Chaves. Witness, Francisc de San Pedro. Wit¬ness, Miguel de San Pedro. Witness, Lorenzo de Sandoval. Juan Méndez, notary.
431v/ yn nehua¯tl do¯ Juã ximenez yz catqui quin oniq¯lna¬mic yn ipa notestameton yn ça niman ayac huel quitlacoz yntla[. . .] ytlaah nicapa quitoz Ça niman amo nelto¯coz yntla yxpa neciz Justia [sic] nica cemi nictzaqua yn ipa notestameto yntla haca nicapa tlatotinemi yn amo nixpa macamo neltocoz yn itla¬tol ahui nehuatl ça huel yxq’ch naxca yn oniq’lpi yn ipa notestameton [f. 431v] Here is what I, don Juan Jiménez, remembered in my will afterward: No one at all will be able to violate it. If [anyone] says something after I have died, he/she is not to be believed at all if he/she appears before the authorities. Here I close my testament once and for all. If someone goes around saying things after my death and not in my presence, let his or her statement not be believed. Everything that I have put in my testament is really my prop¬erty.
428v/ [in margin: trasunto del testamto de don Juo ximenez ==] V Ya Diego Ramírez Ynterpte del Jusgado desta ua de CuernaVaca en conformidad del auto de aRiua decreto [--]que y trasunte los dos testamentos el uno de don Juo ximienz Y el otro de doña maria ximenez escri[] en lengua Mexicana Paraque los trasunte en lengua Castellana que su tenor . y a la letra es como se sigue En el nonbre de dios pe dios hijo . dios espiritu santo enpieso mi testament, Sepan todos los que ui[en?] esta papel que yo don Juan ximenez que tengo [] aqui mi casa en cuernauaca en el uarrio de tecpan de adonde soy y nonbrado otlipan que lo ago la [que] esta enferma mi carne Y mi corason entendiemto [] mi aCuerdo Y mi oyes/as no padeçan nada y estoy esperando la muerte que nadie se esCapa de ella Y en es[] conformidad ago mi testamento que alen bo[] Sera mi ultima voluntad en el qual me quico[] qual Se guarde Y ninguno lo enbarase Y con eso lo enpieso == +
429r/ Lo Primero mi anima pongo y dexo en las manos de dios porque la ysó Y erio [?] a Su ymaxen Y semeJansa Y La rruego [-niego?] Y suplico mi perdone Y ayude en mis puados Y que me lleue a Su santa casa en el çielo quenado mi anima Se aparte de mi Cuerpo el qual mando a la tierra Pues Salio de ella Y quiero que mi Cuerpo Se enbuelua en un auito de Sr san Franco Y dare cinco pos de limosna Y quiero que mi carme [sic] Sea Sepultada en la parte donde esta enterrada mi mugr que era doña Maria que asi nos ysimos del consierto Y se le de notiçia a nuestro guardian Fray andrez guerrero, Y es mi boluntad que se ayude a mi alma porque no se detenga en el purgatorio Y que en ciete dias sen[] diga Vna misa ensima de mi Cuerpos, Y deJe limosna cinco pos de limosna Y esto dexo a Cargo de doña barbola mi muger que ella saue Las misas que Por mi se an de deçir que Yo lo dexo encargado paraque mi ayude, Y quiero quando mis Hijos Los cantores me entierren se les de Vn peso porque ayuden a mi anima Y a las cofradias a guatro rreales Y mando Se dexen en el ospital quarto rreales Para los enfermos = Y es aqui nonbro todo lo que es mio mi Casa y todo lo que esta dentro es mio Y Yo la yse Y fabrique a mi costa Y con mi asienda Y todo Lo que pareçiere estar dentro de la Casa Y lo que fuere mio Lo dexo a mi mugger doña baruola Porque dexo Vna niña llamada maria Y que la crie Y dotrine Y todas las milpas que se allaren serca de mi casa que se nonbran Calmiles Se las dexo todas Y todo Lo que Pareçiere en esta rrason Se le bueluo declare que dexo unas tierras nonbradas teoqualco de mi patrimonio Y le dexo la mitad a mi sobrino
429v/ don diego de San Geronimo ueynte baras por lo ancho que la tome Y algo mas que se las dexo y todo lo que asi quedare se tomo mi mugger doña baruola quisa Lo Cultiuara o la arrendan que ella saue Lo que de ellas quiçiere disponer y las tierras que estan arriua nonbradas atlynepiloayan las conpre por quarenta = en esta partida esta entre rringlones un rringlon Y abaxo otro testado = Y a last res estan otras nonbradas tlasalan arriua [] estas la dexo a andrez de Santiago Y de una bes Las to[] con que de dies Y seis pos a mi muger doña baruola Y aora nonbro las tierras de aqui de tepepean que son Seys la primera se nobra tzacualpan = Y la otra Se nonbra olactzinco Y a la otra Se nonbra quauchil[]tococ – Y la otra Se nonbra ahuacaquayo Y las otras Se nonbra Yaotlca – Y a las sies tierra se nonbra techialco – y a las ocho Se nonbra tepetitlan – Y declare que un pedaso de tierras que Se nonbran amil[] no Las tome mi Hijo don diego sino que Se las dexe a don bartolome natural de calnepantla que estas Sean Suyas declare otras tierras que Se nonbran xochititlan atlautzinco que dexaron Sus abuelo[s] Y no son grandes sino unos pedasitos Y todo esto dex[] a mi mujer doña baluola Y nadie Le quite nada de esto que nonbrado que todqs Son mis tierras Y no son dexa[] declare que esta un muchacho uiuo que este no es mi hijo se nonbra Joan que lo ub en una muger que se llama m[
430r/ Y este muchacho Caxa mi mugr doña baruola Para que lo Crie Y dotrine Y declare que esta dentro desta mi casa que esta un Cauallo Y unas Sillas en que Se sientan Y una çilla del cauallo Y freno Y son las çillas ocho Y un teponastli Y una guitarra Y una tanbor qu Se pone en el suelo, tres mesas Y quarto Huacamayas todo sea para mi muger Y unas caças que estan llenas de Yerbas ocho Y nuebe chiquitos y tres pares de rrodelillas con que bailan Y todo esto se lo dexo a mi muger doña barbola ella lo saue Si lo uendera Para si Y dexo declarado que miren por este testamto Y lo quiden Y a mi ermano Se lo dexo encargado que se llma don po Y a lorenco de sandoual Y a don xpoal Paraque todos tres le aCuerden a mi mugr doña baruola paraque memde deçir misas Y todo Lo que pareçiere mio Se tome mi mugr Y no Se lo quite nadie Y solo dexo Para que lo Cuide, Y todo Lo que dexo declarado en este mi testamto Y si pareçiere otro testamto mio o Si alguno tubiere alguna rrason y palabras en que Yo aya quedado con alguna obligacion en que diga que Cuando Yo me muera que le dexaria algo de mi hacienda todo Lo anulo Y doy por ninguno ni balga nada que solo quiero que todo Lo aqui declarado en este mi testamto Se guarde Y cunpla como en el se contiene Y no otro ninguno Sino este que paresera ante la Rl Justiçia Paraque
430v/ balga por mi testamto Porque lo echo con todo mi rason oy miercoles dies Y sies dias del mes de setienbre de mil Y quinientos Y setenta y nuebe anos . Y por aqui Se afirme Y baldero de mi mano por[]go mi nonbre Y mi firma don Juo ximenez = aqui Sean de esCriuir Los testigos delante de quien Se yso este testamto el primero thoriuio acolnahuacatl _ Miguel de san po mateo [sic?] = franco de chauez franco de san po _ lorenso de de sandoual [sic] y porque es uerdad Lo firmaron de sus nonbres + don thoriuio acolnahuacatl = franco de chaues = franco de san po = Miguel de san po lorenso de sandual Juan mendez escriuano ----------------------